Re: [Rwanda Forum] Re: Ngayo nguko!

Tryaza amenyo...


On Mon, 13 Mar 2023 at 18:13, 'Zac Biampa' via Rwanda Forum
<rwandaforum@googlegroups.com> wrote:
Triple i,
Comme il se doit, à ce que le Mpatsibihugu dit, les Inkotanyi retiennent ce qui les arrange et deforment le reste.

Extrait pour le fainéants: 

" Sans langue de bois, Nicolas de Rivière, représentant de la France à l'ONU, a reconnu et condamné l'agression de la RDC par le Rwanda.  Le Conseil de sécurité est saisi et va continuer de traiter la question, a-t-il dit. « Il n'est plus à démontrer non plus que le Rwanda soutient le M23. Il est d'autre part clairement établi aussi qu'il y a des incursions de l'armée rwandaise régulière dans le Nord-Kivu. Cela aussi est inacceptable. »

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[Rwanda Forum] Re: Ngayo nguko!

Triple i,
Comme il se doit, à ce que le Mpatsibihugu dit, les Inkotanyi retiennent ce qui les arrange et deforment le reste.

Extrait pour le fainéants: 

" Sans langue de bois, Nicolas de Rivière, représentant de la France à l'ONU, a reconnu et condamné l'agression de la RDC par le Rwanda.  Le Conseil de sécurité est saisi et va continuer de traiter la question, a-t-il dit. « Il n'est plus à démontrer non plus que le Rwanda soutient le M23. Il est d'autre part clairement établi aussi qu'il y a des incursions de l'armée rwandaise régulière dans le Nord-Kivu. Cela aussi est inacceptable. »

[Rwanda Forum] Agression dans l’Est : le Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU envisage d’infliger des sanctions au M23 et au Rwanda

Agression dans l'Est : le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU envisage d'infliger des sanctions au M23 et au Rwanda

https://www.politico.cd/la-rdc-a-la-une/2023/03/10/agression-dans-lest-le-conseil-de-securite-de-lonu-envisage-dinfliger-des-sanctions-au-m23-et-au-rwanda.html/129805/


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[Rwanda Forum] M23-RDF yafatiwe mu mutego. Mwishywa wa PM Nsinyente na we yarasiwe CONGO

M23-RDF yafatiwe mu mutego. Mwishywa wa PM Nsinyente na we yarasiwe CONGO
https://youtu.be/aMR9CNcRQr0


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[Rwanda Forum] Rwanda: seats in Parliament alone won’t empower women | openDemocracy


Rwanda: seats in Parliament alone won't empower women | openDemocracy
Rwanda: seats in Parliament alone won't empower women | openDemocracy

Rwanda: seats in Parliament alone won't empower women | openDemocracy

One of Rwanda's achievements over the past decades is that the ruling party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), has placed women in high-level decision-making roles in government. Some 61.3% of parliamentary seats and 55% of ministerial positions are held by women.

These impressive numbers are an indication of Rwanda's commitment to gender equality, the empowerment of women and promoting the rights of women. The presence of so many women in public life also has a symbolic value, which has contributed towards increasing respect for women and giving them a more powerful voice in the family and community.

As a result, women in Rwanda have broken gender stereotypes and taken on work that used to be considered as only for men, such as carpentry, truck driving, masonry and so on. And for the first time in the country's history, we have women pilots, international football referees, surgeons and CEOs. 

But the majority of ordinary women I meet and speak to from across Rwanda say there is still a long way to go for women to achieve a level of influence in decision-making that can lead to the changes they want.

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In Rwanda, 83.4% of women work in the informal sector and/or are in low-wage occupations – earning, on average, 60% of men's incomes, according to the 2021 Global Gender Gap report. Only 28.6% of the total managerial roles in the country are filled by women, highlighting the divergence between the relatively high rate of overall participation in the work force and presence in leadership roles.

The 2021 National Gender Statistic Report also reveals that physical violence still affects 36.7% of women aged between 15 and 49 in Rwanda.

Some recent government decisions have, perhaps inadvertently, hurt women the most. For example, in efforts to make the capital, Kigali, tidier and to raise tax contributions, the city's authorities have been targeting the thousands of street vendors – the majority of whom are women struggling to raise children alone.

Since 2016, authorities have urged the hawkers to form registered cooperatives or find formal work, both of which would be subject to tax. But the policy has failed, with the authorities mismanaging state funds or building markets that are far away from the vendors' customers.

So the vendors remain, and are still subject to pursuit, arbitrary arrest, harassment and beatings by security agents, abuses that have been criticised by human rights organisations.

When the Rwandan government decided to close its borders with Burundi in 2015 and with Uganda in 2019 over disputes with their respective governments, followed by the imposition of strict measures to counter the spread of Covid-19 in 2020, trade activities were obstructed and employment was lost. Again, women were badly affected, with a 23% decrease in their numbers in the informal cross-border export trade between 2018 and 2021.

It is important to note that women have traditionally played a large role in informal cross-border trading. The sector represents a vital source of livelihood for the poor, in particular for low-income and low-skilled women, in border districts. It is an important activity for poverty eradication among women, which is especially important in light of the fact that female-headed households have higher poverty rates than male-headed households in Rwanda.

Prior to the Covid pandemic, women were already more likely to be unemployed, according to the World Bank. During the lockdown period Rwanda registered a 10% fall in the employment rate, with a larger decrease of 6.2% recorded among female workers against 3.8% among male workers.

A year later, the Bank noted that the status of women who remained employed had shifted considerably, as a larger proportion became "own account workers", or self-employed workers without employees, a possible indicator that they were engaged in the informal economy. That there was not a similar shift in status among men reflects enduring gender differences in the structure of employment in Rwanda.

While the Rwandan government should be commended for increasing the number of women in government, the persisting gender inequalities and economic challenges facing the vast majority of women is a reminder that representation in Parliament is unlikely to be sufficient to empower women. This is especially true because only women from elite backgrounds have easy access to political participation.

The majority of women in Rwanda's parliament are card-carrying members of the RPF or its coalition partners, a 2019 study found. And the women elected to seats specifically reserved for women were nominated, or at least vetted, by the RPF via the Forum of Political Organizations, a constitutionally mandated 'consultative body' that all political parties must join.

This means most women in Parliament owe allegiance to the RPF, rather than the constituencies that elected them. They adhere to and promote RPF ideology, which impacts what they support and advocate for in the policy-making process.

Though it is the prerogative of any parliamentarian to choose his or her political allegiance, Rwanda's patriarchal social structure and cultural beliefs make women submissive rather than emancipated. To change this, there must be a movement of vibrant civil society organisations led by fresh minds, which works towards enabling women to be assertive so that once in public office roles they become genuine changemakers.

Rwanda's political system must also become more inclusive and allow voices whose opinions differ from those of the ruling party to participate in the political life of the country. Not only would this bring new and different perspectives on the issues around how to emancipate women in Rwanda, but it would also promote the use of checks and balances within Parliament and strengthen the rule of law.



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"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
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[Rwanda Forum] Kagame’s achievements should not blind us to his tyranny

Kagame's achievements should not blind us to his tyranny

Rwanda's president is not a 'pioneer' worthy of 'adulation'.

 

In December, New African, a leading Pan-African news magazine, published the 2022 edition of its immensely popular 100 most influential Africans list.

Advertising the year-ender as the "most authoritative, respected and consulted list on the continent and in the diaspora", the monthly magazine claimed those who appear on this list will "enjoy the adulation that is their due".

I clicked on the link thinking I would get to learn a few names worth knowing and browse through the most recent accomplishments of the continent's best and brightest. I was, however, quickly disappointed.

There was a well-known – and in my opinion highly misplaced – name at the very top of the list: Paul Kagame.

Kagame is undoubtedly an important name in African politics. He has been the president of Rwanda since 2000 and does not appear to have any intention of leaving power soon. But it is highly questionable whether he can or should be described as "influential" and included in a list that presents itself as proof that "Africa rules" and "the world of Wakanda is alive and kicking!"

Sure, in many ways, Rwanda is an African success story. Since the civil war and the Rwandan genocide of 1994, the tiny landlocked nation of 13 million made significant progress in key areas, from education and agriculture to healthcare and security. It has a majority-female parliament and is considered a world leader in gender equality. Despite taking a hit from COVID-19 like the rest of the world, its economy is now largely stable. It is hoping to achieve Middle Income Country status by 2035.

 

All this, however, does not mean Rwanda is an African utopia and Kagame a "pioneer" worthy of "adulation".

As detailed in the yearly report published by Human Rights Watch in December, in 2022, Kagame's administration continued "to wage a campaign against real and perceived opponents of the government". It cracked down on political opposition and restricted the people's right to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly. Critics were arbitrarily arrested and some even said they were tortured in state custody. There were many forced disappearances and suspicious deaths that were not investigated by the authorities.

Kagame signed a controversial asylum seeker deal with the United Kingdom that the United Nations refugee agency believes is "contrary to the letter and spirit of the Refugee Convention". In August, a UN group of experts said they obtained "solid evidence" that Rwandan troops attacked soldiers inside the neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and provided support to the M23 rebel group. The years-long conflict between the DRC government and the M23 rebels, which Kagame is reportedly fuelling by providing support to the armed group, has caused widespread hunger and displaced more than two million people.

Backed by a long history of authoritarianism and political repression, this poor report card should have categorically prevented Kagame from being included in a list that marks and celebrates African achievement and progress.

However, the editors of New African not only placed Kagame at the top of their "authoritative" list but described him in the accompanying write-up as someone who is helping to "restore African pride and dignity". There are passing mentions of "a general lack of democratic culture" in Rwanda and the conflict in the DRC which may "stain [Kagame's] legacy", but overall, the Rwandan president is praised as a "standard bearer" in African politics.

 

What gives?

As someone from Zimbabwe, I am saddened but not surprised that Africans are turning a blind eye to the democratic shortcomings of Kagame.

In the 1980s and 90s, Zimbabwe was regarded as a success story just like Rwanda. At the time, our president was liberation war icon, Robert Mugabe. He was respected across Africa and beyond as a revolutionary who fought for the dignity and pride of his people. He was admired and praised for his commitment to Zimbabwe's socioeconomic development and for his passionate critiques of Western imperialism.

Mugabe's many admirable qualities and accomplishments, however, were clouded by his predilection for violence and unrestrained power. In the early 1980s, his administration paved the way for and openly encouraged countless rapes, enforced disappearances, mass beatings and nearly 20,000 civilian deaths collectively known as the "Gukurahundi" massacres. And after the end of Gukurahundi, hundreds of opposition party supporters were intimidated, tortured and killed in episodes of electoral violence that Mugabe openly stoked, or refused to take action to stop, for years.

Mugabe's violence and political thuggery often played out in the open. His government rarely bothered to hide away the abuse and the oppression. Anyone who dared to resist, oppose or raise the alarm was punished. To the dismay of long-suffering Zimbabweans, however, our African brothers and sisters did not support our struggle. They always gave Mugabe a hero's welcome at continental gatherings. They did not ostracise him for repeatedly violating our human rights. They did not condemn him for killing us. After his death in 2019, South Africa's former President Thabo Mbeki and former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta rushed to sing his praises.

Back then, Africans refused to see the murderous dictator hiding under the facade of an anti-colonial hero in Zimbabwe. Today, they are making a similar mistake in Rwanda.

I can see how someone may fall for Kagame's projected persona. When I hear him condemn the West's neocolonialism and endless hypocrisy on human rights, I too cannot help but be impressed by his forthrightness. But whenever I find myself in awe of Kagame's principled stance against the West, I always remind myself that Mugabe's fierce critiques of the West were equally as impressive. Eventually, it became obvious that Mugabe hated Africans who criticised his policies as much as – if not more than – the former colonisers of his country. I am afraid time will prove the same about Kagame.

It is perhaps easy to ignore Kagame's authoritarianism today because his country is still doing relatively well. But Rwanda will not remain a success story if Kagame continues to crush all dissent and ignore all criticism.

Zimbabwe went from being the "breadbasket of Africa" to a socioeconomic and political basket case in a decade. Our vaunted health and education sectors went from world-class to dilapidated in no time. All because Mugabe thought his revolutionary credentials gave him the right to govern with an iron fist and Africans – bedazzled by the liberation icon before them – chose to ignore his crimes against Zimbabweans. I am afraid the same will happen to Rwanda if Africans remain under Kagame's spell.

Zimbabwe's recent history is a cautionary tale about how unchecked power and unconditional adulation can transform an imperfect hero into a tyrant and spell disaster for an entire nation.

So editors should stop declaring Kagame a "pioneer", calling him "inspirational" and claiming he is a "standard bearer" in African politics. He cannot be considered any of those things until dissenting Rwandans stop being threatened, arbitrarily jailed or forcibly disappeared. Rwanda and Africa deserve much better.

As Africans come to expect more civil liberties from their postcolonial governments, human rights and democracy are at a crossroads in Africa. The continent's self-proclaimed opinion makers must cease their attempts to whitewash liberation icons-turned-tyrants, and instead endeavour to hold them accountable for failing to responsibly fulfil their political mandates.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.

 

https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2023/2/9/kagames-achievements-should-not-blind-us-to-his-tyranny

 

 

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[Rwanda Forum] M23 rebels raped dozens of women in east DRC, Amnesty say

M23 rebels raped dozens of women in east DRC, Amnesty says

  • M23 rebels have raped several women in eastern DRC. 
  • This is according to information gathered by Amnesty International. 
  • Most of the attacks occured in the settlement of Kishishe. 

M23 rebels raped more than 60 women and girls during attacks in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo in November, Amnesty International said on Friday.

The rights organisation said it had gathered testimonies from 35 victims and eyewitnesses and described the acts as "war crimes".

They "could constitute crimes against humanity", it added in a statement.

The attacks mostly happened in the settlement of Kishishe, about 100km north of Goma, the provincial capital of North Kivu.

Since late 2021, M23 rebels have seized swathes of territory in North Kivu province and have neared Goma, prompting hundreds of thousands to flee their homes.

The M23, a Tutsi-led group whose name stands for the "March 23 Movement," re-emerged from dormancy in November 2021, accusing the DRC of ignoring a promise to integrate its fighters into the army.

 

It subsequently won a string of victories over state forces.

The DRC accuses its smaller neighbour Rwanda of backing the group, a charge supported by independent UN experts as well as the United States and other western countries.

Rwanda denies the accusation.

The United Nations last week said that M23 rebels had executed at least 171 civilians and raped 27 women and girls in Kishishe and surrounding areas in November.

Amnesty said on Friday that at least 66 women and girls had been raped in the attacks between November 21 and 30.

The rights group said:

Survivors and witnesses told Amnesty International that after taking control of Kishishe, groups of M23 fighters went house-to-house, summarily killing every adult male they found and subjecting scores of women to rape, including gang rape.

In a three-page document, Amnesty included extracts of harrowing statements it gathered from rape survivors.

One said their attackers accused them of being from the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a descendant of the Rwandan Hutu extremist groups that carried out the 1994 Tutsi genocide in Rwanda.

https://www.news24.com/news24/africa/news/m23-rebels-raped-dozens-of-women-in-east-drc-amnesty-says-20230217

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[Rwanda Forum] Re: Police Discover Skull Inside Nairobi-bound Bus from Rwanda

Muri Bus ya compagnie yitwa TRINITY yari ivuye i Kigali igiye I Nairobi umunyarwanda yafatanywe ibihanga bitatu by'abantu ku mupaka wa K...

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