Rwanda : l'histoire écrite par le FPR du président Paul Kagame, c'est fini !
Trente ans après les massacres génocidaires, la journaliste britannique Michela Wrong déconstruit pierre à pierre la propagande du Front patriotique rwandais de Paul Kagame. En articulant son livre comme une enquête policière, elle embarque le lecteur dans les coulisses, humaines et politiques, du FPR et de ses principaux chefs tutsi. Explications.
Paul Kagame (avec les lunettes), chef militaire du FPR, et ses hommes, au Rwanda, en 1993. CHARLIER/SIPA
Il s'appelle Paul Rusesabagina. À défaut de connaître son nom, des milliers de spectateurs de par le monde ont vu Hôtel Rwanda le film inspiré par l'action de ce Hutu modéré ayant sauvé d'une mort certaine des centaines de compatriotes – tutsi et hutu – en leur offrant un refuge à l'hôtel des Mille Collines, à Kigali, en 1994. Malgré ces faits de gloire, alors que les massacres génocidaires ensanglantaient la capitale, Paul Rusesabagina vient de passer 939 jours dans les geôles rwandaises. Officiellement pour « terrorisme ». Plus sûrement pour un crime de lèse-majesté ayant consisté en la dénonciation répétée de l'autoritarisme – un euphémisme – de Paul Kagame, maître de facto du pays depuis 1994. Le dictateur a finalement gracié l'impudent, lequel a promis de ne plus jamais se mêler de politique, trop heureux de pouvoir retourner sain et sauf aux États-Unis, où il est résident permanent.
### "Be courteous to all, but intimate with few; and let those few be well tried before you give them your confidence", George Washington. ###
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Under Kagame's rule Rwanda made significant progress in key areas, but this does not excuse the president's authoritarianism, writes Mhaka [Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images].
In December, New African, a leading Pan-African news magazine, published the 2022 edition of its immensely popular 100 most influential Africans list.
Advertising the year-ender as the "most authoritative, respected and consulted list on the continent and in the diaspora", the monthly magazine claimed those who appear on this list will "enjoy the adulation that is their due".
I clicked on the link thinking I would get to learn a few names worth knowing and browse through the most recent accomplishments of the continent's best and brightest. I was, however, quickly disappointed.
There was a well-known – and in my opinion highly misplaced – name at the very top of the list: Paul Kagame.
Kagame is undoubtedly an important name in African politics. He has been the president of Rwanda since 2000 and does not appear to have any intention of leaving power soon. But it is highly questionable whether he can or should be described as "influential" and included in a list that presents itself as proof that "Africa rules" and "the world of Wakanda is alive and kicking!"
Sure, in many ways, Rwanda is an African success story. Since the civil war and the Rwandan genocide of 1994, the tiny landlocked nation of 13 million made significant progress in key areas, from education and agriculture to healthcare and security. It has a majority-female parliament and is considered a world leader in gender equality. Despite taking a hit from COVID-19 like the rest of the world, its economy is now largely stable. It is hoping to achieve Middle Income Country status by 2035.
All this, however, does not mean Rwanda is an African utopia and Kagame a "pioneer" worthy of "adulation".
As detailed in the yearly report published by Human Rights Watch in December, in 2022, Kagame's administration continued "to wage a campaign against real and perceived opponents of the government". It cracked down on political opposition and restricted the people's right to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly. Critics were arbitrarily arrested and some even said they were tortured in state custody. There were many forced disappearances and suspicious deaths that were not investigated by the authorities.
Kagame signed a controversial asylum seeker deal with the United Kingdom that the United Nations refugee agency believes is "contrary to the letter and spirit of the Refugee Convention". In August, a UN group of experts said they obtained "solid evidence" that Rwandan troops attacked soldiers inside the neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and provided support to the M23 rebel group. The years-long conflict between the DRC government and the M23 rebels, which Kagame is reportedly fuelling by providing support to the armed group, has caused widespread hunger and displaced more than two million people.
Backed by a long history of authoritarianism and political repression, this poor report card should have categorically prevented Kagame from being included in a list that marks and celebrates African achievement and progress.
However, the editors of New African not only placed Kagame at the top of their "authoritative" list but described him in the accompanying write-up as someone who is helping to "restore African pride and dignity". There are passing mentions of "a general lack of democratic culture" in Rwanda and the conflict in the DRC which may "stain [Kagame's] legacy", but overall, the Rwandan president is praised as a "standard bearer" in African politics.
What gives?
As someone from Zimbabwe, I am saddened but not surprised that Africans are turning a blind eye to the democratic shortcomings of Kagame.
In the 1980s and 90s, Zimbabwe was regarded as a success story just like Rwanda. At the time, our president was liberation war icon, Robert Mugabe. He was respected across Africa and beyond as a revolutionary who fought for the dignity and pride of his people. He was admired and praised for his commitment to Zimbabwe's socioeconomic development and for his passionate critiques of Western imperialism.
Mugabe's many admirable qualities and accomplishments, however, were clouded by his predilection for violence and unrestrained power. In the early 1980s, his administration paved the way for and openly encouraged countless rapes, enforced disappearances, mass beatings and nearly 20,000 civilian deaths collectively known as the "Gukurahundi" massacres. And after the end of Gukurahundi, hundreds of opposition party supporters were intimidated, tortured and killed in episodes of electoral violence that Mugabe openly stoked, or refused to take action to stop, for years.
Mugabe's violence and political thuggery often played out in the open. His government rarely bothered to hide away the abuse and the oppression. Anyone who dared to resist, oppose or raise the alarm was punished. To the dismay of long-suffering Zimbabweans, however, our African brothers and sisters did not support our struggle. They always gave Mugabe a hero's welcome at continental gatherings. They did not ostracise him for repeatedly violating our human rights. They did not condemn him for killing us. After his death in 2019, South Africa's former President Thabo Mbeki and former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta rushed to sing his praises.
Back then, Africans refused to see the murderous dictator hiding under the facade of an anti-colonial hero in Zimbabwe. Today, they are making a similar mistake in Rwanda.
I can see how someone may fall for Kagame's projected persona. When I hear him condemn the West's neocolonialism and endless hypocrisy on human rights, I too cannot help but be impressed by his forthrightness. But whenever I find myself in awe of Kagame's principled stance against the West, I always remind myself that Mugabe's fierce critiques of the West were equally as impressive. Eventually, it became obvious that Mugabe hated Africans who criticised his policies as much as – if not more than – the former colonisers of his country. I am afraid time will prove the same about Kagame.
It is perhaps easy to ignore Kagame's authoritarianism today because his country is still doing relatively well. But Rwanda will not remain a success story if Kagame continues to crush all dissent and ignore all criticism.
Zimbabwe went from being the "breadbasket of Africa" to a socioeconomic and political basket case in a decade. Our vaunted health and education sectors went from world-class to dilapidated in no time. All because Mugabe thought his revolutionary credentials gave him the right to govern with an iron fist and Africans – bedazzled by the liberation icon before them – chose to ignore his crimes against Zimbabweans. I am afraid the same will happen to Rwanda if Africans remain under Kagame's spell.
Zimbabwe's recent history is a cautionary tale about how unchecked power and unconditional adulation can transform an imperfect hero into a tyrant and spell disaster for an entire nation.
So editors should stop declaring Kagame a "pioneer", calling him "inspirational" and claiming he is a "standard bearer" in African politics. He cannot be considered any of those things until dissenting Rwandans stop being threatened, arbitrarily jailed or forcibly disappeared. Rwanda and Africa deserve much better.
As Africans come to expect more civil liberties from their postcolonial governments, human rights and democracy are at a crossroads in Africa. The continent's self-proclaimed opinion makers must cease their attempts to whitewash liberation icons-turned-tyrants, and instead endeavour to hold them accountable for failing to responsibly fulfil their political mandates.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.
### "Be courteous to all, but intimate with few; and let those few be well tried before you give them your confidence", George Washington. ###
Bonnes feuilles "Rwanda. Assassins sans frontières" : une plongée au cœur du système Kagame
Pour avoir « osé critiquer et dévoiler » la nature du régime de Paul Kagame, Michela Wrong a fait l'objet d'une campagne de « diffamations incessantes » venant de Kigali et de ses trolls. À la lecture de ces extraits, on comprend mieux pourquoi le livre de notre consœur britannique a si fortement fâché le kaiser des Grands Lacs… Voici quelques passages marquants de son ouvrage.
Farouche opposant de Kagame, Paul Rusesabagina, qui a inspiré le film "Hôtel Rwanda", a passé 939 jours en prison, officiellement pour "terrorisme". Gracié par le dictateur, il a pu retourner sain et sauf aux États-Unis en promettant de ne plus jamais se mêler de politique. Muhizi Olivier/AP/SIPA
« Rares sont les élites plus soudées que celle-là. C'est l'enchevêtrement le plus naturel du monde. Ayant grandi dans une communauté banyarwanda introvertie, qui avait toutes les raisons de craindre les étrangers, ils ont été obligés de se faire mutuellement confiance, en dépit des rivalités sourdes et des méfiances internes. Un diagramme de Venn montrerait une série de cercles multigénérationnels se chevauchant. Le général Kayumba deviendra le parrain de l'un des fils de Kagame. Jeannette Kagame et Rosette Kayumba fonderont la Green Hills Academy, le premier lycée du Rwanda à proposer le baccalauréat international, et siègeront ensemble à son conseil d'administration. La fille de Sam Nkusi, Jolie, épousera le neveu de Patrick [Karegeya], David Batenga, tandis que la sœur de sa femme est mariée à Théogène Rudasingwa, secrétaire général du FPR.
### "Be courteous to all, but intimate with few; and let those few be well tried before you give them your confidence", George Washington. ###
Rwanda : l'histoire écrite par le FPR du président Paul Kagame, c'est fini !
Trente ans après les massacres génocidaires, la journaliste britannique Michela Wrong déconstruit pierre à pierre la propagande du Front patriotique rwandais de Paul Kagame. En articulant son livre comme une enquête policière, elle embarque le lecteur dans les coulisses, humaines et politiques, du FPR et de ses principaux chefs tutsi. Explications.
Paul Kagame (avec les lunettes), chef militaire du FPR, et ses hommes, au Rwanda, en 1993. CHARLIER/SIPA
Il s'appelle Paul Rusesabagina. À défaut de connaître son nom, des milliers de spectateurs de par le monde ont vu Hôtel Rwanda le film inspiré par l'action de ce Hutu modéré ayant sauvé d'une mort certaine des centaines de compatriotes – tutsi et hutu – en leur offrant un refuge à l'hôtel des Mille Collines, à Kigali, en 1994. Malgré ces faits de gloire, alors que les massacres génocidaires ensanglantaient la capitale, Paul Rusesabagina vient de passer 939 jours dans les geôles rwandaises. Officiellement pour « terrorisme ». Plus sûrement pour un crime de lèse-majesté ayant consisté en la dénonciation répétée de l'autoritarisme – un euphémisme – de Paul Kagame, maître de facto du pays depuis 1994. Le dictateur a finalement gracié l'impudent, lequel a promis de ne plus jamais se mêler de politique, trop heureux de pouvoir retourner sain et sauf aux États-Unis, où il est résident permanent.
### "Be courteous to all, but intimate with few; and let those few be well tried before you give them your confidence", George Washington. ###
Iraqi asylum seeker challenges deportation to Rwanda at European court
By Africanews
Last updated: 11/04 - 17:49
The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has decided to examine the application of an Iraqi asylum seeker threatened with deportation from the United Kingdom to Rwanda, as part of a highly controversial agreement between London and Kigali.
The judicial arm of the Council of Europe said Tuesday in a statement that it had sent "questions to the parties" in this case, a procedural step in the examination of this individual application filed on March 15, which does not prejudge the Court's decision, made later, on the admissibility of the complaint or on a possible conviction of the United Kingdom.
Born in 1968, the applicant left Iraq in April 2022 and arrived on British soil on May 17, where he was refused asylum, the Strasbourg-based court said.
He was then notified of his deportation to Rwanda, under the agreement on the deportation of migrants who entered the United Kingdom illegally signed in April 2022 between London and Kigali.
But on June 14, 2022, much to London's dismay, the European Court activated Rule 39 of its Rules of Procedure - the one that governs emergency measures - to ask the United Kingdom not to expel him. The Court took similar action for two other migrants who were also facing deportation to Rwanda.
Citing article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights (prohibition of torture and inhuman and degrading treatment), the applicant claimed that if he were deported to Rwanda, "he would not have access to an adequate refugee status determination procedure.
He also claims that those deported to Rwanda, which has been denounced by many human rights organizations, risk "detention" and "treatment that does not meet international standards if they express dissatisfaction or protest against their conditions after arrival," according to the ECHR.
The British Conservatives have made tackling illegal immigration, one of the promises of the "Brexit," one of their priorities.
But migrants have never been so numerous to cross the Channel on small boats to reach the United Kingdom. More than 45,000 arrived on English shores in 2022, compared to 28,526 in 2021.
In December, the High Court in London ruled that the scheme to deport people to Rwanda was "legal". But in January, the British courts agreed to review the government's plan to deploy it as soon as possible.
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