[Rwanda Forum] "Rwanda. Assassins sans frontières" : une plongée au cœur du système Kagame



https://www.marianne.net/monde/afrique/bonnes-feuilles-rwanda-assassins-sans-frontieres-une-plongee-au-cour-du-systeme-kagame

Bonnes feuilles "Rwanda. Assassins sans frontières" : une plongée au cœur du système Kagame

Pour avoir « osé critiquer et dévoiler » la nature du régime de Paul Kagame, Michela Wrong a fait l'objet d'une campagne de « diffamations incessantes » venant de Kigali et de ses trolls. À la lecture de ces extraits, on comprend mieux pourquoi le livre de notre consœur britannique a si fortement fâché le kaiser des Grands Lacs… Voici quelques passages marquants de son ouvrage.

Alain Léauthier10/04/2023 à 11:40

Farouche opposant de Kagame, Paul Rusesabagina, qui a inspiré le film "Hôtel Rwanda", a passé 939 jours en prison, officiellement pour "terrorisme". Gracié par le dictateur, il a pu retourner sain et sauf aux États-Unis en promettant de ne plus jamais se mêler de politique.
Muhizi Olivier/AP/SIPA

« Rares sont les élites plus soudées que celle-là. C'est l'enchevêtrement le plus naturel du monde. Ayant grandi dans une communauté banyarwanda introvertie, qui avait toutes les raisons de craindre les étrangers, ils ont été obligés de se faire mutuellement confiance, en dépit des rivalités sourdes et des méfiances internes. Un diagramme de Venn montrerait une série de cercles multigénérationnels se chevauchant. Le général Kayumba deviendra le parrain de l'un des fils de Kagame. Jeannette Kagame et Rosette Kayumba fonderont la Green Hills Academy, le premier lycée du Rwanda à proposer le baccalauréat international, et siègeront ensemble à son conseil d'administration. La fille de Sam Nkusi, Jolie, épousera le neveu de Patrick [Karegeya], David Batenga, tandis que la sœur de sa femme est mariée à Théogène Rudasingwa, secrétaire général du FPR.

### "Be courteous to all, but intimate with few; and let those few be well tried before you give them your confidence", George Washington. ###

[Rwanda Forum] Rwanda : l'histoire écrite par le FPR du président Paul Kagame, c'est fini !



https://www.marianne.net/monde/afrique/rwanda-lhistoire-ecrite-par-le-fpr-du-president-paul-kagame-cest-fini

Rwanda : l'histoire écrite par le FPR du président Paul Kagame, c'est fini !

Trente ans après les massacres génocidaires, la journaliste britannique Michela Wrong déconstruit pierre à pierre la propagande du Front patriotique rwandais de Paul Kagame. En articulant son livre comme une enquête policière, elle embarque le lecteur dans les coulisses, humaines et politiques, du FPR et de ses principaux chefs tutsi. Explications.

Alain Léauthier08/04/2023 à 16:00

Paul Kagame (avec les lunettes), chef militaire du FPR, et ses hommes, au Rwanda, en 1993.
CHARLIER/SIPA

Il s'appelle Paul Rusesabagina. À défaut de connaître son nom, des milliers de spectateurs de par le monde ont vu Hôtel Rwanda le film inspiré par l'action de ce Hutu modéré ayant sauvé d'une mort certaine des centaines de compatriotes – tutsi et hutu – en leur offrant un refuge à l'hôtel des Mille Collines, à Kigali, en 1994. Malgré ces faits de gloire, alors que les massacres génocidaires ensanglantaient la capitale, Paul Rusesabagina vient de passer 939 jours dans les geôles rwandaises. Officiellement pour « terrorisme ». Plus sûrement pour un crime de lèse-majesté ayant consisté en la dénonciation répétée de l'autoritarisme – un euphémisme – de Paul Kagame, maître de facto du pays depuis 1994. Le dictateur a finalement gracié l'impudent, lequel a promis de ne plus jamais se mêler de politique, trop heureux de pouvoir retourner sain et sauf aux États-Unis, où il est résident permanent.

### "Be courteous to all, but intimate with few; and let those few be well tried before you give them your confidence", George Washington. ###

[Rwanda Forum] Iraqi asylum seeker challenges deportation to Rwanda at European court

Iraqi asylum seeker challenges deportation to Rwanda at European court

By Africanews

 Last updated: 11/04 - 17:49

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has decided to examine the application of an Iraqi asylum seeker threatened with deportation from the United Kingdom to Rwanda, as part of a highly controversial agreement between London and Kigali.

The judicial arm of the Council of Europe said Tuesday in a statement that it had sent "questions to the parties" in this case, a procedural step in the examination of this individual application filed on March 15, which does not prejudge the Court's decision, made later, on the admissibility of the complaint or on a possible conviction of the United Kingdom.

Born in 1968, the applicant left Iraq in April 2022 and arrived on British soil on May 17, where he was refused asylum, the Strasbourg-based court said.

He was then notified of his deportation to Rwanda, under the agreement on the deportation of migrants who entered the United Kingdom illegally signed in April 2022 between London and Kigali.

But on June 14, 2022, much to London's dismay, the European Court activated Rule 39 of its Rules of Procedure - the one that governs emergency measures - to ask the United Kingdom not to expel him. The Court took similar action for two other migrants who were also facing deportation to Rwanda.

Citing article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights (prohibition of torture and inhuman and degrading treatment), the applicant claimed that if he were deported to Rwanda, "he would not have access to an adequate refugee status determination procedure.

He also claims that those deported to Rwanda, which has been denounced by many human rights organizations, risk "detention" and "treatment that does not meet international standards if they express dissatisfaction or protest against their conditions after arrival," according to the ECHR.

The British Conservatives have made tackling illegal immigration, one of the promises of the "Brexit," one of their priorities.

But migrants have never been so numerous to cross the Channel on small boats to reach the United Kingdom. More than 45,000 arrived on English shores in 2022, compared to 28,526 in 2021.

In December, the High Court in London ruled that the scheme to deport people to Rwanda was "legal". But in January, the British courts agreed to review the government's plan to deploy it as soon as possible.

https://www.africanews.com/2023/04/11/iraqi-asylum-seeker-challenges-deportation-to-rwanda-at-european-court/

 

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[Rwanda Forum] Un grand pédagogue!

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=ibwjx2EywJ4

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[Rwanda Forum] Abana b'Inyenzi ....

Ngo nihatagira igikorwa inzara irabatsinda mu nzu.

Ngo nihatagira igikorwa inzara irabatsinda mu nzu.

Re : [Rwanda Forum] Paul Kagame Is a Brutal Dictator, and One of the West’s Best Friends - The New York Times

Don't care! Next year his tenure in office will be renewed for an adfitionsl 5 years!!

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Le mar., avr. 11 2023 à 7:27 p.m., 'Nzi Nink' via Rwanda Forum

<rwandaforum@googlegroups.com> a écrit :

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/04/11/opinion/paul-kagame-rwanda-britain.html#

He's a Brutal Dictator, and One of the West's Best Friends

April 11, 2023, 1:00 a.m. ET

President Paul Kagame of Rwanda.Pool photo by Ludovic Marin

By Anjan Sundaram

Mr. Sundaram is a journalist and the author of "Breakup: A Marriage in Wartime."

His grip on power is nearly unassailable. Since becoming president over two decades ago, he has extended constitutional term limits, shut down the free press and clamped down on dissent. Reporters have been driven into exile, even killed; opposition figures have been imprisoned or found dead. His country has been reduced to tyranny.

But this dictator isn't a pariah, like Vladimir Putin of Russia or Bashar al-Assad of Syria. Instead, he's one of the West's best and most reliable friends: Paul Kagame, president of Rwanda. Since coming to power in 1994, Mr. Kagame has won his way into the West's good graces. He's been invited to speak — on human rights, no less — at universities such as Harvard, Yale and Oxford, and praised by prominent political leaders including Bill Clinton, Tony Blair and the former U.N. general secretary Ban Ki-moon.

It doesn't end there. Mr. Kagame's Western friends include FIFA, which held its annual congress at a shiny sports complex in Kigali in March, and the N.B.A., whose African Basketball League plays in Rwanda. Europe's largest carmaker, Volkswagen, runs an assembly plant in Rwanda, and major international organizations such as the Gates Foundation and the World Economic Forum are close partners. Western donors finance a whopping 70 percent of Rwanda's national budget.

But perhaps Mr. Kagame's greatest endorsement is a deal with the British government to receive asylum seekers deported from Britain. This controversial bargain, which may contravene international law, has cemented Rwanda's reputation as a steadfast partner of Western countries. Far from the authoritarian holdout it is, Mr. Kagame's Rwanda is now hailed as a haven for people fleeing dictatorship.

Mr. Kagame owes much of his success to his skilled political rhetoric, an art form Rwandans call "ubwenge." In news conferences where Rwandan journalists, aware of the risks faced by less pliant colleagues, throw him softball questions, Mr. Kagame shines. Often, his target is the West. He consistently voices an anti-imperialist message about how Europe is "violating people's rights" and berates the West's "superiority complex."

This posture makes him a leading avatar of a new type of postcolonial ruler. Other populist nationalist presidents such as Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey, Andrés Manuel López Obrador of Mexico and Narendra Modi of India also rally their populations behind similar sentiments, elevating themselves as world leaders no longer beholden to the West. Often at the heart of their defiant speeches are references to old crimes — massacres, genocides and expropriations committed by European empires that date back as far as the 16th century.

Such appeals work because Western leaders still offer only grudging "regrets" for such atrocities and rarely apologize, partly out of fear that their nations will have to cough up huge sums in reparations. This allows the grievances to live on. Many in former colonies still feel those past humiliations as viscerally present, manifest today in institutions that are dominated by Western interests, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, or in international trade and aid negotiations. Postcolonial leaders such as Mr. Kagame find much popularity in their insistence that the West should atone for its history, however improbable that might be.

The price of avoiding apologies, though, is that Western leaders find their moral authority diminished. Instead, they engage in placatory behaviors — offering praise and partnership, rather than condemnation. Perhaps nowhere is this dynamic clearer than in Rwanda, where Mr. Kagame's leverage with Western leaders is particularly strong because the country's grievances are recent. He is very adept at guilt-tripping the West, and his jabs hit home hard.

Rwanda's 1994 genocide — during which nearly one million Rwandans, many of them ethnic Tutsis, were killed — was perpetrated under the noses of United Nations peacekeepers, who diligently filed reports on the killings while seemingly impotent to prevent them. Although Mr. Kagame's former ambassador to the United States and other political allies have accused him of "sparking" Rwanda's genocide and doing little to prevent it, he has cast himself as the hero who ended it.

In the event of criticism, Mr. Kagame's tried-and-tested tactic is to rebut any Western leader who has the temerity to sermonize to poorer nations about democracy, human rights and the rule of law. His rhetoric resonates in a world desperate for African success stories, not least in the West. Back in 2011, the journalist Tristan McConnell described how Western support for Mr. Kagame was driven by "a genuinely felt desire to fight the image of a basket-case continent." The year after, Time magazine called Mr. Kagame "the embodiment of a new Africa."

Behind the lionization lies a darker truth. Since taking power in 1994 as commander in chief of the Rwandan military, and later as president, Mr. Kagame has all but rigged elections, taking almost 99 percent of the vote in 2017. Many of his opponents have disappeared, in some cases found murdered, in one case virtually beheaded. The self-styled hero who supposedly ended the Rwandan genocide was also in command of an army that the U.N. has alleged was responsible for killing tens, perhaps hundreds of thousands of Hutus and for potential acts of "genocide" after twice invading the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Yet no matter the historical record, Mr. Kagame creates an alternate reality in which the West is to blame for his country's ills and he is its brave champion. This anti-imperialist narrative trumps reports of dissidents and journalists being harassed, imprisoned or forced into exile. It doesn't help that accurate information about the country is hard to come by: Mr. Kagame bans critical foreign reporters, ensuring that the international media often repeats government propaganda.

The hunger for postcolonial leaders who stand up to the West is perfectly understandable, rooted in the ways that imperialism continues to structure relations between former colonies and former colonial powers. Justice for colonial-era crimes would be welcome to many in the world, too, even if it is unlikely to come anytime soon. At the very least, Western leaders — beginning in Britain — should do something simple and stop rewarding authoritarians like Mr. Kagame.

### "Be courteous to all, but intimate with few; and let those few be well tried before you give them your confidence", George Washington. ###

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[Rwanda Forum] Paul Kagame Is a Brutal Dictator, and One of the West’s Best Friends - The New York Times

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/04/11/opinion/paul-kagame-rwanda-britain.html#

He's a Brutal Dictator, and One of the West's Best Friends

April 11, 2023, 1:00 a.m. ET

President Paul Kagame of Rwanda.Pool photo by Ludovic Marin

By Anjan Sundaram

Mr. Sundaram is a journalist and the author of "Breakup: A Marriage in Wartime."

His grip on power is nearly unassailable. Since becoming president over two decades ago, he has extended constitutional term limits, shut down the free press and clamped down on dissent. Reporters have been driven into exile, even killed; opposition figures have been imprisoned or found dead. His country has been reduced to tyranny.

But this dictator isn't a pariah, like Vladimir Putin of Russia or Bashar al-Assad of Syria. Instead, he's one of the West's best and most reliable friends: Paul Kagame, president of Rwanda. Since coming to power in 1994, Mr. Kagame has won his way into the West's good graces. He's been invited to speak — on human rights, no less — at universities such as Harvard, Yale and Oxford, and praised by prominent political leaders including Bill Clinton, Tony Blair and the former U.N. general secretary Ban Ki-moon.

It doesn't end there. Mr. Kagame's Western friends include FIFA, which held its annual congress at a shiny sports complex in Kigali in March, and the N.B.A., whose African Basketball League plays in Rwanda. Europe's largest carmaker, Volkswagen, runs an assembly plant in Rwanda, and major international organizations such as the Gates Foundation and the World Economic Forum are close partners. Western donors finance a whopping 70 percent of Rwanda's national budget.

But perhaps Mr. Kagame's greatest endorsement is a deal with the British government to receive asylum seekers deported from Britain. This controversial bargain, which may contravene international law, has cemented Rwanda's reputation as a steadfast partner of Western countries. Far from the authoritarian holdout it is, Mr. Kagame's Rwanda is now hailed as a haven for people fleeing dictatorship.

Mr. Kagame owes much of his success to his skilled political rhetoric, an art form Rwandans call "ubwenge." In news conferences where Rwandan journalists, aware of the risks faced by less pliant colleagues, throw him softball questions, Mr. Kagame shines. Often, his target is the West. He consistently voices an anti-imperialist message about how Europe is "violating people's rights" and berates the West's "superiority complex."

This posture makes him a leading avatar of a new type of postcolonial ruler. Other populist nationalist presidents such as Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey, Andrés Manuel López Obrador of Mexico and Narendra Modi of India also rally their populations behind similar sentiments, elevating themselves as world leaders no longer beholden to the West. Often at the heart of their defiant speeches are references to old crimes — massacres, genocides and expropriations committed by European empires that date back as far as the 16th century.

Such appeals work because Western leaders still offer only grudging "regrets" for such atrocities and rarely apologize, partly out of fear that their nations will have to cough up huge sums in reparations. This allows the grievances to live on. Many in former colonies still feel those past humiliations as viscerally present, manifest today in institutions that are dominated by Western interests, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, or in international trade and aid negotiations. Postcolonial leaders such as Mr. Kagame find much popularity in their insistence that the West should atone for its history, however improbable that might be.

The price of avoiding apologies, though, is that Western leaders find their moral authority diminished. Instead, they engage in placatory behaviors — offering praise and partnership, rather than condemnation. Perhaps nowhere is this dynamic clearer than in Rwanda, where Mr. Kagame's leverage with Western leaders is particularly strong because the country's grievances are recent. He is very adept at guilt-tripping the West, and his jabs hit home hard.

Rwanda's 1994 genocide — during which nearly one million Rwandans, many of them ethnic Tutsis, were killed — was perpetrated under the noses of United Nations peacekeepers, who diligently filed reports on the killings while seemingly impotent to prevent them. Although Mr. Kagame's former ambassador to the United States and other political allies have accused him of "sparking" Rwanda's genocide and doing little to prevent it, he has cast himself as the hero who ended it.

In the event of criticism, Mr. Kagame's tried-and-tested tactic is to rebut any Western leader who has the temerity to sermonize to poorer nations about democracy, human rights and the rule of law. His rhetoric resonates in a world desperate for African success stories, not least in the West. Back in 2011, the journalist Tristan McConnell described how Western support for Mr. Kagame was driven by "a genuinely felt desire to fight the image of a basket-case continent." The year after, Time magazine called Mr. Kagame "the embodiment of a new Africa."

Behind the lionization lies a darker truth. Since taking power in 1994 as commander in chief of the Rwandan military, and later as president, Mr. Kagame has all but rigged elections, taking almost 99 percent of the vote in 2017. Many of his opponents have disappeared, in some cases found murdered, in one case virtually beheaded. The self-styled hero who supposedly ended the Rwandan genocide was also in command of an army that the U.N. has alleged was responsible for killing tens, perhaps hundreds of thousands of Hutus and for potential acts of "genocide" after twice invading the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Yet no matter the historical record, Mr. Kagame creates an alternate reality in which the West is to blame for his country's ills and he is its brave champion. This anti-imperialist narrative trumps reports of dissidents and journalists being harassed, imprisoned or forced into exile. It doesn't help that accurate information about the country is hard to come by: Mr. Kagame bans critical foreign reporters, ensuring that the international media often repeats government propaganda.

The hunger for postcolonial leaders who stand up to the West is perfectly understandable, rooted in the ways that imperialism continues to structure relations between former colonies and former colonial powers. Justice for colonial-era crimes would be welcome to many in the world, too, even if it is unlikely to come anytime soon. At the very least, Western leaders — beginning in Britain — should do something simple and stop rewarding authoritarians like Mr. Kagame.

### "Be courteous to all, but intimate with few; and let those few be well tried before you give them your confidence", George Washington. ###